? ? ? ? ? 當今的人們一直向往著中世紀世界，而中世紀世界也繼續(xù)為流行文化提供素材。人們渴望體驗或目睹一場中世紀的宴會、阿拔斯王朝哈里發(fā)哈倫·拉希德（Harun al-Rashid，786-809年）的奢華宮廷、多米尼加審訊官的酷刑工具、英勇的基督教與穆斯林騎士之間的十字軍戰(zhàn)斗，或普羅旺斯游吟詩人的表演，從無數(shù)致力于將這些和其他中世紀世界的主題或事件帶入生活的網(wǎng)站、小說、電影和俱樂部來看，人們一直保持著高度興趣?！吨惺兰o世界生活手冊》從繼承和居住在古典羅馬帝國的基督徒、猶太人和穆斯林的角度來看待中世紀時期，羅馬帝國的范圍從不列顛群島延伸到歐洲大陸、地中海、北非、中東、小亞細亞以及其他地區(qū)。

The medieval world holds enduring fascination for people today and continues to provide material for popular culture. The desire to experience or witness a medieval banquet, the sumptuous court of the Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid (r. 786–809), the instruments of torture of a Dominican inquisitor, a crusader battle between valiant Christian and Muslim knights, or a performance by a Proven?al troubadour is seemingly insatiable, judging from the infinite number of Web sites, novels, films, and clubs dedicated to bringing these and other themes or events of the medieval world to life. Handbook to Life in the Medieval World looks at the medieval period from the perspective of Christians, Jews, and Muslims who inherited and inhabited the classical Roman Empire, which stretched from the British Isles through continental Europe, the Mediterranean, North Africa, the Middle East, to Asia Minor, and beyond.

界定中世紀世界

? ? ? ? ? 把中世紀的基督徒、穆斯林和猶太人的歷史、文化、經(jīng)濟和社會放在一起分析，可以讓我們清楚地看到他們緊密地交織在一起的關(guān)系，甚至在激烈的沖突與敵對的時候也是如此。然而，“中世紀世界”的概念也有些問題，因為這個歷史范疇并不統(tǒng)一適用于猶太人、基督徒和穆斯林。為方便起見，本書沿用了歐洲中世紀世界開始于476年羅馬陷落的傳統(tǒng)時間。這個斷裂點標志著重新定義為羅馬基督教和拉丁語的古典文化在北歐和西歐出現(xiàn)和擴張的歷史。雖然西羅馬帝國在476年滅亡，但東羅馬帝國卻完好無損地生存了下來，在一個世紀前，隨著324年“新羅馬”在君士坦丁堡的建立，它幾乎將西方拋棄給哥特部落。由于這個原因，一些學者將中世紀拜占庭的開始時間定在這一年，而另一些學者則將其定在更早的戴克里先（284-305年）統(tǒng)治時期，他將帝國分為“東方”和“西方”兩省。還有一些人將狄奧多西一世（379-395年）時期的帝國正式基督教化視為過渡點。無論選擇什么日期，中世紀世界的一個主要主題是拜占庭帝國與西羅馬帝國和教皇之間對古典羅馬遺產(chǎn)的爭奪。

Treating together the history, culture, economy, and societies of Christians, Muslims, and Jews during the Middle Ages allows us to see clearly how closely intertwined their lives were, even, if not especially, at times of intense conflict and enmity. At the same time, however, the concept of the “medieval world” is somewhat problematic because the historical category does not apply uniformly to Jews, Christians, and Muslims. For the sake of convenience this book follows the traditional dating of the beginning of the European medieval world from the Fall of Rome in 476. This breaking point marks the history of the emergence and expansion of classical culture redefined as Roman Christian and Latin across northern and western Europe. Although the Western Roman Empire fell in 476, the Eastern Roman Empire survived intact, having all but abandoned the West to the Gothic tribes a century earlier with the founding of the “New Rome” at Constantinople in 324. For this reason some scholars date the beginning of medieval Byzantium from this year, while others situate it even earlier, during the reign of Diocletian (r. 284–305), who divided the empire into the “Oriental” and “Occidental” provinces. Still others see the official Christianization of the empire under Theodosius I (r. 379–395) as the transition point. Whatever the date of choice, a major theme of the medieval world is the contested claims over the legacy of classical Rome between the Byzantine Empire and the Western Roman Empire and the papacy.

? ? ? ? ? 從猶太人的角度來看，“中世紀”時代看起來相當與眾不同。猶太文明有自己的日歷，并記錄了改變其歷史進程的事件，其中巴比倫囚禁（公元前597-537年）和猶太教的毀滅以及猶太人被驅(qū)逐到散居地（公元前70年）是兩個轉(zhuǎn)折點。就我們的目的而言，猶太人的中世紀世界可以追溯到Gaonic時期（見第133頁），其特點是拉比猶太教的鞏固和第四至第六世紀geonim（猶太精神領(lǐng)袖）對巴勒斯坦和巴比倫塔木德地區(qū)文獻的編纂，這兩個時期與羅馬帝國的基督教化有較大關(guān)系，而不是與羅馬的政治命運衰退有關(guān)。伊斯蘭教的誕生和伊斯蘭文明的崛起是第七世紀的關(guān)鍵事件。隨著它們的出現(xiàn)，地中海的文化統(tǒng)一性從古典的羅馬、拉丁和基督教轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)殚W米特、阿拉伯語和伊斯蘭教。然而，正如在接下來的篇幅中所明確的那樣，穆斯林將對基督教西方的古典文化的恢復產(chǎn)生影響。

From the Jewish perspective, the “medieval” era looks quite distinct. Jewish civilization has its own calendar identifying the events that changed the course of its history, in which the Babylonian Captivity (597–537 B.C.E.) and the destruction of Judaea and expulsion of the Jews into the Diaspora (70 C.E.) were two turning points. For our purpose, the Jewish medieval world dates from the Gaonic Period (see p. 133) characterized by the consolidation of rabbinic Judaism and the compilation of the Palestinian and Babylonian Talmud by the geonim (Jewish spiritual leaders) of the fourth to sixth centuries, both of which have more to do with the Christianization of the Roman Empire than with the declining political fortunes of Rome. The birth of Islam and the rise of Islamic civilization are the key events of the seventh century. With them, the cultural unity of the Mediterranean was transformed from classical Roman, Latin, and Christian into Semitic, Arabic-speaking, and Islamic. And yet, as will become clear in the pages that follow, the Muslims would be responsible for the recovery of classical culture in the Christian West.

? ? ? ? ? 中世紀時期何時結(jié)束？同樣，歷史學家們選擇了許多日期。曾經(jīng)有一段時間，學者們把歐洲的“中世紀”稱為“黑暗時代”，以表示位于古典羅馬和15世紀歐洲文藝復興之間的無知和迷信的暫時性落后時代。伊斯蘭世界的學者們通常將奧斯曼人在勒班陀戰(zhàn)役（1571年）中的失敗視為近1000年的穆斯林政治、文化和經(jīng)濟霸權(quán)統(tǒng)治的最終終結(jié)。作為妥協(xié)，我們選擇1492年作為結(jié)束本卷的歷史節(jié)點。1492年是一個結(jié)束和開始的年份，它標志著一系列政治秩序變革的最后時刻，這些變革始于1453年奧斯曼帝國對君士坦丁堡的征服，并在穆斯林-格拉納達落入西班牙天主教君主之手時達到頂點。從這一刻起，“西方”成為徹底的基督教區(qū)，“東方”成為穆斯林教區(qū)。

When does the medieval period end? Again, many dates could be chosen. There was a time when scholars referred to the European “Middle Ages” as the “Dark Ages” to signify a temporal backwater of ignorance and superstition situated between classical Rome and its revival in the 15th-century European Renaissance. Scholars of the Islamic world often look to the defeat of the Ottomans at the Battle of Lepanto (1571) as the definitive end of a nearly 1,000- year reign of Muslim political, cultural, and economic hegemony. As a compromise, we have chosen the year 1492 as a convenient historical point to end this volume. Fourteen hundred and ninety-two is a year of endings and beginnings. It marks the final point of a series of transformations of the political order that were initiated with the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453 and culminated in the fall of Muslim Granada to the Catholic monarchs of Spain. From this moment onward, “the West” becomes thoroughly Christian and “the East” Muslim.

? ? ? ? ? 格拉納達的陷落伴隨著將猶太人驅(qū)逐出西班牙的法令，鮮為人知的是15世紀90年代，整個十年間發(fā)生的從德國驅(qū)逐猶太人的事件。1492年體現(xiàn)了世界猶太人的三個全球性轉(zhuǎn)變：（1）來自西班牙的塞法迪猶太人以及法國和德國的阿什肯納茲猶太人匯聚到意大利，在那里，他們與現(xiàn)存的羅馬猶太人一起形成了意大利猶太人的新文化圈；（2）塞法迪猶太人步入奧斯曼帝國的軌道；（3）阿什肯納茲猶太人的中心從德國萊茵地區(qū)向東遠移至波蘭、立陶宛和俄羅斯。

The fall of Granada was accompanied by the edict of expulsion of the Jews from Spain. Less well known are the expulsions of Jews from Germany that took place throughout the decade of the 1490s. The year 1492 exemplifies three global shifts of world Jewry: (1) Sephardic Jews from Spain and French and German Ashkenazic Jews converge upon Italy, where, together with the extant Roman Jews, they form a new culture of Italian Jewry; (2) Sephardic Jewry enters into the orbit of the Ottoman Empire; and (3) the displacement of the center of Ashkenazic Jewry from the German Rhineland farther east into Poland, Lithuania, and Russia occurs.

中世紀歷史研究

? ? ? ? ? 回溯中世紀基督徒、穆斯林和猶太人的生活，需要翻閱大量的書面記錄——主要是歷史、文學、宗教和法律文件，以及藝術(shù)、建筑、錢幣及其他物質(zhì)文化的遺跡。不同的文明都有自己保存文化的方式。西歐擁有大量記錄其政治、社會、文化、經(jīng)濟和宗教歷史的書面記錄，這些記錄似乎是無窮無盡的：皇家和修道院編年史、教皇詔書和法令、教會會議記錄、個人遺囑、皇家憲章、教區(qū)記錄、布道書、個人信件、商業(yè)記錄、（自傳）傳記、圣徒傳記（對圣徒生活的描述）和指導手冊等等。拜占庭歷史學延續(xù)了自希羅多德以來希臘歷史寫作的悠久、不間斷的傳統(tǒng)，以及大量的財政和稅收記錄、軍事手冊、司法法典和法令、圣人的生活、宗主國記錄、教會會議、修道院檔案、布道書和宗教論文等等。

Retracing the lives of medieval Christians, Muslims, and Jews requires plowing through a vast array of written records—mainly historical, literary, religious, and legal documents—as well as art, architecture, coins, and other vestiges of material culture. Different civilizations have their own ways of preserving their cultures. Western Europe is blessed with a seemingly infinite number of written records documenting its political, social, cultural, economic, and religious history: royal and monastic chronicles, papal bulls and edicts, church synod records, personal wills, royal charters, parish records, sermons, personal letters, mercantile records, (auto)biographies, hagiographies (accounts of saints’ lives), and instruction manuals, among others. Byzantine historiography continues a long, unbroken tradition of Greek historical writing going back to Herodotus, as well as voluminous fiscal and taxation records, military manuals, juridical codes and edicts, saints’ lives, patriarchal records, church synods, monastic archives, sermons and religious treatises, and more.

? ? ? ? ? 猶太教、穆斯林和基督教的資料有一些重疊，但也有許多不同的地方。中世紀猶太教的編年史傳統(tǒng)不像中世紀伊斯蘭和基督教文化那樣強大。幸運的是，這三者都有記錄十字軍東征的編年史。猶太人在散居地的宗教、經(jīng)濟、文化和社會歷史可以從大量的信件、倫理遺囑、旅行日記、司法判決書、宗教會議條例（takkanot）和其他保存在開羅Geniza（倉庫）的文件中拼湊起來。猶太歷史學受到其流動性的影響——由于頻繁的驅(qū)逐，個人和整個社區(qū)不斷遷移，以及猶太社區(qū)及其記錄在歐洲的消失?；始邑斦涗浐团卣鲁桃约敖袒?、教區(qū)和教會會議記錄填補了這一空白，讓人們了解到生活在基督教國家的猶太人的生活與地位。禮儀詩歌和宗教論戰(zhàn)論文作為證明猶太教與基督教關(guān)系以及猶太人對基督教反猶太主義的反應(yīng)的歷史文件至關(guān)重要。

There is some overlapping among Jewish, Muslim, and Christian sources, although there are many areas of divergence as well. The chronicle tradition is not as strong in medieval Judaism as it was in medieval Islamic and Christian cultures. We are fortunate, however, to have chronicles from all three communities documenting the Crusades. The religious, economic, cultural, and social history of Sephardic and Ashkenazic Jews across the Diaspora may be pieced together from the wealth of letters, ethical wills, travel diaries, juridical responsa, synod ordinances (takkanot), and other documents preserved in the Cairo Geniza (storehouse). Jewish historiography is hampered by itineracy—the constant movement of persons and whole communities due to frequent expulsions, and the disappearance of Jewish communities and their records from Europe. Royal fiscal records and charters of land grants and papal, parish, and church synod records fill this vacuum by providing insight into the lives and status of Jews living in Christendom. Liturgical poetry and religious polemical treatises are vital as historical documents testifying to Jewish-Christian relations and the Jewish response to Christian anti-Semitism.

? ? ? ? ? 伊斯蘭教崛起的歷史學是有問題的，因為沒有可以追溯到其創(chuàng)始人穆罕默德生前的阿拉伯資料。然而，有大量的非穆斯林描述，主要是源于拜占庭的描述?！豆盘m經(jīng)》也提供了關(guān)于穆罕默德生活和伊斯蘭教產(chǎn)生的環(huán)境線索。阿拉伯文化是一種口頭文化，詩人、吟游詩人和演說家通過詩歌和演講口頭傳播他們的英雄和偉大事件的歷史。這種口頭遺產(chǎn)在8世紀阿拔斯王朝初期開始被記錄下來。與猶太教一樣，伊斯蘭教的詩歌不應(yīng)僅僅被視為文學娛樂，而應(yīng)被視為從詩人及其贊助人的角度對事件的嚴肅歷史記錄。在阿拔斯時期，穆罕默德的生活被記錄下來，這一事件產(chǎn)生了豐富的歷史、紀事、傳記、自傳和傳記寫作傳統(tǒng)。蓬勃發(fā)展的阿拔斯王朝的官僚機構(gòu)產(chǎn)生了對高職人員記錄、指導手冊和官方書信的需求。

The historiography of the rise of Islam is problematic because there are no Arab sources dating from the lifetime of its founder, Muhammad. There are, however, an abundance of non-Muslim accounts, primarily Byzantine in origin. The Quran also gives clues to the life of Muhammad and the milieu in which Islam emerged. Arabian culture was an oral culture. Poets, bards, and orators transmitted the history of their heroes and great events orally in poetry and speeches. This oral heritage began to be written down in the eighth century in the early days of the Abbasid period. As in Judaism, poetry in Islam must be regarded not just as literary entertainment but as a serious historical record of events as seen from the perspective of the poet and his or her patron. During the Abbasid period the life of Muhammad was written down, and this event gave rise to a rich tradition of historical, chronicle, biographical, autobiographical, and hagiographic writing. The burgeoning Abbasid bureaucracy created the need for chancellery records, instruction manuals, and official epistles.

? ? ? ? ? 傳記詞典是一種獨特的阿拉伯-伊斯蘭體裁，包含了關(guān)于杰出人物的信息和軼事，其中絕大多數(shù)是統(tǒng)治者和貴族以及宗教機構(gòu)（烏里瑪）。社會歷史可以從土地贈與的記錄、虔誠的捐贈和法學答辯中收集到?；貞?yīng)文獻、編年史和詩歌是我們關(guān)于西班牙穆斯林的最重要的資料來源，盡管這些文件得到了基督教編年史的補充。在西班牙和西西里島生活在基督教統(tǒng)治下的穆斯林的情況與猶太人的情況類似；皇家和教會記錄填補了伊斯蘭教資料的空白。

The biographical dictionary is a uniquely AraboIslamic genre, containing a gold mine of information and anecdotes about prominent persons, overwhelmingly rulers and aristocrats and the religious establishment (ulema). Social history may be gleaned from records of land grants, pious endowments, and juridical responsa. Responsa, chronicles, and poetry are our most important sources for the Muslims of Spain, although these documents are complemented by the Christian chronicles. The situation of Muslims living under Christian rule (Mudejars) in Spain and Sicily is similar to that of the Jews; royal and ecclesiastical records must fill in the gaps of the scant Islamic sources.

新文化的出現(xiàn)

? ? ? ? ? 中世紀世界是一個多民族的大雜燴，各民族都在流動，遷移到有或沒有固定邊界的地區(qū)。盎格魯人、撒克遜人和諾曼人移居英格蘭；哥特人移居西班牙、法國、意大利和北非；北歐維京人移居不列顛群島、法國、德國和低地國家；斯拉夫人移居拜占庭；中亞突厥人部落移居中東和東歐，形成了新的文化和政治實體，并改變了舊羅馬帝國的文化。諾曼人對英格蘭的征服給這個國家的政治和文化形成打上了不可磨滅的烙印。阿拉伯-伊斯蘭教的征服使羅馬帝國從中東到西班牙都阿拉伯化和伊斯蘭化。

The medieval world was a multiethnic jigsaw of peoples on the move, migrating into territories with or without fixed borders. The Angle, Saxon, and Norman migrations to England; the Goth to Spain, France, Italy, and North Africa; the Nordic Viking to the British Isles, France, Germany, and the Low Countries; the Slav to Byzantium; and the Central Asian Turkic tribes to the Middle East and eastern Europe forged new cultures and political entities and changed those of the old Roman Empire. The Norman conquest of England indelibly marked the political and cultural formation of that country. The Arabo-Islamic conquests Arabized and Islamicized the Roman Empire from the Middle East to Spain.

? ? ? ? ? 因此，中世紀也講述了各種文化有意識地相互塑造自己身份的故事。加洛林王朝的征服和加洛林王朝的文藝復興試圖在西歐建立一個同質(zhì)的羅馬天主教和拉丁化文化，以區(qū)別于其競爭對手希臘東正教拜占庭帝國和伊斯蘭哈里發(fā)。希拉克略（610-641）統(tǒng)治下的拜占庭也做出了回應(yīng)，將希臘語作為帝國的官方語言，埋葬了其拉丁語遺產(chǎn)。拉丁人和拜占庭人對基督教的熱情往往表現(xiàn)為對猶太少數(shù)民族的迫害，而十字軍東征則在一場曠日持久的“圣戰(zhàn)”中對抗基督教和伊斯蘭教，這場戰(zhàn)爭的神話在伊斯蘭教和西方的文化記憶中一直存在。拉比猶太教的鞏固讓獨特的猶太身份得以生存，并在基督教和伊斯蘭教的散居地有了很大程度的自治權(quán)。猶太人的儀式和虔誠被散居地的生活所改變，其禮儀詩歌、頌歌、節(jié)慶和對殉道的贊美見證了猶太人被迫害和被迫流亡的情景。

Hence, the Middle Ages also tell the story of cultures consciously shaping their own identities against one another. The Carolingian conquests and Carolingian Renaissance sought to create a homogeneous Roman Catholic, Latinized culture in western Europe in contradistinction to its rivals, the Greek Orthodox Byzantine Empire and the Islamic caliphate. The Byzantines under Heraclius (r. 610–641) reciprocated, making Greek the official language of the empire and burying its Latin heritage. More often than not, Latin and Byzantine zeal for Christianity expressed itself in the persecution of Jewish minorities, while the Crusades confronted Christianity and Islam in a protracted “holy war,” the myth of which persists in the cultural memory of Islam and the West. The consolidation of rabbinic Judaism allowed the survival of a uniquely Jewish identity and a large measure of Jewish autonomy in the diasporas of Christendom and Islam. Jewish ritual and piety were transformed by life in the Diaspora, its liturgical poetry, canticles, feasts, and exaltation of martyrdom bearing witness to persecution and exile.

? ? ? ? ? ?雖然各民族的文化常常是在相互對立的情況下發(fā)展起來的，但出現(xiàn)的獨特文化傳統(tǒng)卻相互交融，相互影響。在很大程度上，由于教皇格里高利大帝（590-604年）的不懈努力和加洛林王朝文藝復興，西歐人民的墨洛溫王朝和加洛林王朝的皈依賦予了不列顛群島和歐洲大陸上不同民族以獨特的文化遺產(chǎn)。在拜占庭東部，針對其斯拉夫入侵者，也發(fā)生了類似的過程。巴爾干和俄羅斯的異教徒皈依了東正教，并在1453年拜占庭帝國滅亡后長期延續(xù)拜占庭文明的遺產(chǎn)。隨著上述伊斯蘭統(tǒng)治下國家的阿拉伯化和伊斯蘭化，我們必須強調(diào)塞法迪猶太人文化的阿拉伯化，特別是巴格達的智慧之家（Bayt al-Hikma）以及托萊多和西西里的翻譯學校，前者代表了伊斯蘭在希臘遺產(chǎn)生存中的作用，而后者則是將這種知識傳給西歐的載體。阿拉伯和波斯文學影響了基督教文學，阿拉伯音樂傳統(tǒng)啟發(fā)了游吟詩人，同樣，猶太人的世俗和宗教文學也因與伊斯蘭教和基督教的接觸而發(fā)生了變革。甚至戰(zhàn)爭也是文化交流的一個渠道，因為雙方會互相借用對方的軍事技術(shù)。

Although developed often in opposition to each other, the unique cultural traditions that emerged met and influenced each other. The Merovingian and Carolingian conversions of the peoples of western Europe—in large measure due to the tireless efforts of Pope Gregory the Great (r. 590–604) and the Carolingian Renaissance—endowed the disparate ethnic groups of the British Isles and continental Europe with a distinct cultural heritage. A similar process took place in the Byzantine East with respect to its Slavic invaders. Pagan Balkan and Russian Slavs converted to Orthodox Christianity and would continue the legacy of Byzantine civilization long after the demise of the Byzantine Empire in 1453. With the aforementioned Arabization and Islamization of the countries under Islamic rule one must highlight the Arabization of Sephardic Jewish culture and especially the House of Wisdom (Bayt al-Hikma) of Baghdad and the Schools of Translation in Toledo and Sicily, the former representing the Islamic role in the survival of the Greek heritage, and the latter the vehicle for the transmission of this knowledge to western Europe. Arabic and Persian literature influenced Christian literature, and the Arabic musical tradition inspired the troubadours in the same way that Jewish secular and religious literature was revolutionized by contacts with Islam and Christianity. Even war was a channel for cultural exchange, as bitter rivals borrowed military technology from each other.

? ? ? ? ? 我們邀請您進入中世紀的世界，欣賞在基督教徒、猶太人和穆斯林（以及異教徒）共存、互動和相互爭斗的過程中所編織的豐富的文化錦繡。

We invite you to enter the medieval world and discover the rich cultural tapestry that evolved as Christians, Jews, and Muslims (and pagans) coexisted, interacted, and fought with one another.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By?Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones